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Where the Ends Don’t Meet: Measuring Poverty and Self-Sufficiency Among Oregon’s Families

Tuesday, January 19th, 2010

The federal poverty level (FPL), developed in 1964, is often criticized as being an inadequate measure of financial stress. A new measure, the Self-Sufficiency Standard, has been developed by Dr. Diana Pearce of the University of Washington. The Self-Sufficiency Standard offers a more complete and realistic picture of the amount of income required to make ends meet. The Standard varies according to a number of variables that affect a household’s cost of living. This article explains Dr. Pearce’s Self-Sufficiency Standard for each of Oregon’s counties and household types and describes the results of a demographic analysis of households in Oregon. The analysis summarizes the characteristics of households that do and do not meet the Self-Sufficiency Standard.

Table of Contents

1. Introduction

The methodology used to determine annual federal poverty thresholds was developed in 1964 as a measure of the adequacy of a household’s income for providing its most basic needs. Developed by Mollie Orshanky of the Social Security Administration, the methodology was based on her analysis of consumption data that showed that families of three or more persons spent about one third of their after-tax money income on food in 1955. She developed the thresholds based on this assumption and the cost of the Department of Agriculture’s Economy Food Plan. The thresholds vary by size of household and number of related children below 18 and they are adjusted over time for inflation. However, the methodology does not account for differences in the cost of living due to location, age of children, or other factors. Furthermore, the spending assumptions on which the methodology was based are outdated. According to the 2007 Consumer Expenditure Survey, U.S. households now spend an average of 12.4% of all their spending on food. Even for very low-income households, this percentage is about 15%, much lower than the one third assumed in the methodology for calculating the federal poverty thresholds.

Many researchers and policy analysts have criticized the FPL as out of date and an inaccurate measure of poverty. They argue that the FPL overlooks a number of families that are experiencing economic distress. Because many federal and state safety net programs are based on the FPL, this means that many households who are in economic distress might not receive assistance.

Dr. Diana Pearce, director of the Center for Women’s Welfare at the University of Washington, has developed an alternative measure of income adequacy called the Self-Sufficiency Standard. This measure considers many factors ignored by the FPL. For example, the Self-Sufficiency Standard includes the cost of housing, child care, food, health care, and transportation and reflects differences in these items by geography. It also varies by the ages of children in a household to reflect how a household budget varies as needs for child care, health care, and food vary with the age of children. Finally, the Standard also includes the effect of taxes and tax credits. Dr. Pearce has calculated the Standard for most states in the United States. Her work in Oregon was funded by Worksystems Inc.

Dr. Pearce has calculated the Self-Sufficiency Standard for each of Oregon’s counties, and this is reflected in Table 1. Table 1 also includes the median household income for each county and the FPL for each household type.

Table 1: Self-Sufficiency Standards and Median Household Incomes for All Counties in Oregon and Federal Poverty Levels, 2008
County Median Household Income* Adult Adult + Infant Adult + Preschooler Adult + Infant Preschooler Adult + Schoolage Teenager Adult + Infant Preschooler Schoolage 2 Adults + Infant Preschooler 2 Adults + Preschooler Schoolage
Federal Poverty Level
ALL - $11,201 $14,840 $14,840 $17,346 $17,346 $21,910 $21,834 $21,834
Self-Sufficiency Standard
BAKER $38,524 $15,927 $24,776 $23,824 $29,255 $24,782 $52,311 $37,530 $36,736
BENTON $42,857 $19,151 $39,706 $37,373 $52,351 $29,205 $68,259 $59,597 $53,194
CLACKAMAS $57,585 $22,259 $41,894 $39,663 $54,343 $34,499 $71,446 $62,502 $56,510
CLATSOP $40,430 $17,696 $25,437 $25,520 $29,687 $25,141 $49,881 $38,372 $37,418
COLUMBIA $40,430 $19,303 $28,730 $28,354 $32,453 $27,696 $55,273 $43,866 $42,241
COOS $35,392 $17,090 $24,410 $24,500 $28,699 $24,671 $39,908 $37,295 $36,484
CROOK $40,381 $17,525 $25,138 $24,063 $29,006 $25,033 $42,106 $37,404 $36,777
CURRY $35,392 $17,772 $24,671 $24,755 $29,210 $24,767 $47,574 $37,607 $36,880
DESCHUTES $50,030 $19,519 $37,246 $35,323 $48,120 $28,903 $62,633 $55,420 $47,680
DOUGLAS $38,994 $16,779 $24,847 $23,968 $28,828 $24,968 $41,881 $37,313 $36,708
GILLIAM $40,381 $17,201 $24,234 $23,461 $28,006 $24,654 $39,916 $36,351 $35,846
GRANT $40,381 $17,260 $24,727 $23,905 $28,517 $24,949 $40,441 $36,851 $36,428
HARNEY $36,094 $16,211 $23,647 $22,887 $27,301 $23,977 $39,310 $35,742 $35,037
HOOD RIVER $40,381 $17,982 $38,256 $35,968 $50,703 $27,383 $65,175 $57,572 $49,748
JACKSON $41,700 $18,520 $27,985 $28,065 $31,761 $26,665 $54,092 $41,795 $39,701
JEFFERSON $40,381 $17,489 $23,816 $23,094 $27,294 $24,390 $40,088 $35,861 $35,237
JOSEPHINE $35,392 $17,907 $26,189 $25,275 $29,879 $25,754 $52,169 $38627 $37,783
KLAMATH $36,094 $16,084 $23,266 $22,553 $26,694 $23,601 $38,648 $34,932 $34,265
LAKE $36,094 $16,381 $23,907 $23,142 $27,748 $24,390 $39,705 $36,287 $35,756
LANE $39,980 $18,122 $36,851 $34,780 $47,612 $25,989 $60,935 $53,892 $41,821
LINCOLN $40,430 $18,191 $28,209 $28,738 $32,220 $26,687 $54,298 $42,348 $40,005
LINN $42,857 $18,737 $28,013 $28,094 $31,722 $26,716 $52,773 $42,071 $40,108
MALHEUR $36,094 $16,531 $23,441 $22,720 $26,825 $23,994 $39,447 $35,158 $34,658
MARION $44,238 $17,902 $24,825 $24,918 $28,941 $24,971 $42,445 $37,759 $37,179
MORROW $40,381 $17,260 $24,502 $23,753 $28,149 $24,855 $39,976 $36,496 $36,031
MULTNOMAH $43,923 $17,491 $35,711 $28,254 $47,244 $26,355 $62,219 $52,153 $38,714
POLK $45,945 $17,744 $25,272 $25,354 $29,630 $25,030 $47,778 $38,734 $37,765
SHERMAN $40,381 $17,376 $23,753 $23,138 $26,777 $24,530 $37,663 $35,034 $34,769
TILLAMOOK $40,430 $17,869 $27,468 $27,544 $31,458 $26,194 $53,081 $41,377 $39,184
UMATILLA $38,524 $16,347 $23,935 $23,178 $27,741 $24,428 $40,075 $36,088 $35,385
UNION $38,524 $16,140 $24,394 $23,612 $28,378 $24,698 $43,412 $36,706 $36,230
WALLOWA $38,524 $16,087 $24,138 $23,363 $28,033 $24,563 $40,713 $36,372 $35,828
WASCO $40,381 $17,224 $25,246 $25,327 $29,644 $25,004 $47,598 $38,241 $37,289
WASHINGTON $57,561 $22,646 $44,706 $42,146 $58,915 $38,127 $78,161 $67,074 $60,044
WHEELER $40,381 $17,234 $24,520 $23,742 $28,315 $24,824 $40,239 $36,652 $36,252
YAMHILL $45,945 $20,468 $33,347 $33,385 $43,313 $29,548 $57,139 $49,765 $45,730

Source: The Self-Sufficiency Standard for Oregon by Diana Pearce at University of Washington.
Note: *, median household income obtained from the American Community Survey for the period of 2005 to 2007. All values in US dollars.

Table 1 shows that for a single adult, the most expensive county in Oregon is Washington County, with a Self-Sufficiency Standard of $22,646. The least expensive county in Oregon is Baker County, with a Self-Sufficiency Standard of $15,927 for a single adult. The table also shows that the FPL for a single adult, $11,201, is inadequate income for any of Oregon’s counties.

Table 1 also reflects changes in the Self-Sufficiency Standard as household size and composition changes. In Clackamas County, for example, an adult with an infant must make $41,894 to meet the Self-Sufficiency Standard, while an adult with a preschooler only needs $39,663. This reflects the Standard’s sensitivity to differences in the cost of child care between an infant and an older child.

Finally, Table 1 shows how the Self-Sufficiency Standard compares to the median household income in each county for 2005-2007. In most counties, the median household income is sufficient to meet the Self-Sufficiency Standard. However, this is the median, or middle income level. That means that half of households earn less, and half earn more, than the median income.

The Institute of Portland Metropolitan Studies has used Dr. Pearce’s calculations and information from the American Community Survey to calculate the percentage of households earning sufficient income to meet their basic needs. Our objective for the analysis was to further our understanding of the extent of poverty in Oregon, the geographic areas and households types most affected, and the extent to which the FPL disregards households failing to make ends meet. A detailed description of the methodology and assumptions used in the analysis is provided at the end of this brief.

This policy brief offers a quick glance at the results of our analysis. A more thorough analysis and report is forthcoming and will be available by the beginning of February 2010 on the MKN web site. The data developed for the analysis are available for download.


2. Self-Sufficiency in Oregon’s Counties

Figures 1 and 2 offer an overview of the percentage of households not meeting the Self-Sufficiency Standard and FPL by county in Oregon. Statewide, 27.1% of all households do not earn enough money to meet the Self-Sufficiency Standard for their county and household type. The counties with the highest percentage of households with inadequate income include Benton, Coos, Curry, Josephine, Lane, and Linn counties. Within these counties, at least 30% of households do not earn enough to meet their basic needs as defined by the Self-Sufficiency Standard. Counties with the lowest percentage of households not meeting the Standard include Clackamas, Multnomah, and Douglas counties.


Figure 1: Percent of Population Below the Federal Poverty Level, by County

Map under the FPL

Source: American Community Survey 2005-2007, PUMS data



Figure 2: Percent of Population Below the Self-Sufficiency Standard, by County

Source: American Community Survey 2005-2007, PUMS data

Some important observations from Table 2 include the following:

  • The “policy gap”—which includes households that are not poor but are still not earning enough to get by—ranges from 13.2% in Multnomah County to 21.8% in Clatsop, Columbia, Lincoln, and Tillamook counties.
  • In general, the proportion of households below the Standard is higher in rural areas.
  • Nevertheless, 77% of the households with inadequate income are located in urban counties.
  • Because the Standard accounts for differences in the cost of living, some rural counties with relatively high poverty rates have relatively lower percentages of households not meeting the Self-Sufficiency Standard.
Table 2: Self-Sufficiency Standard and Federal Poverty Level for Households by County in Oregon: 2005-2007
Geography Income Category Total
Below
Poverty
Above
Poverty,
Below Self-
Sufficiency
Below Self-
Sufficiency
(subtotal)
Above Self-
Sufficiency
OREGON 9.7% 17.4% 27.1% 72.9% 100%
Oregon Counties
BAKER 13.2% 14.7% 27.9% 72.1% 100%
BENTON (Corvallis) 12.4% 18.6% 31.0% 69.0% 100%
CLACKAMAS 6.1% 18.7% 24.8% 75.2% 100%
CLATSOP 7.8% 21.8% 29.6% 70.4% 100%
COLUMBIA 7.8% 21.8% 29.6% 70.4% 100%
COOS 14.5% 18.1% 32.6% 67.4% 100%
CROOK 10.7% 19.6% 30.4% 69.6% 100%
CURRY 14.5% 18.1% 32.6% 67.4% 100%
DESCHUTES (Bend) 5.6% 20.3% 25.9% 74.1% 100%
DOUGLAS 9.7% 15.3% 25.0% 75.0% 100%
GILLIAM 10.8% 19.6% 30.4% 69.6% 100%
GRANT 10.7% 19.6% 30.4% 69.6% 100%
HARNEY 11.5% 18.1% 29.7% 70.3% 100%
HOOD RIVER 10.7% 19.6% 30.4% 69.6% 100%
JACKSON (Medford) 10.6% 17.4% 27.9% 72.1% 100%
JEFFERSON 10.7% 19.6% 30.4% 69.6% 100%
JOSEPHINE 14.5% 18.1% 32.6% 67.4% 100%
KLAMATH 11.5% 18.2% 29.7% 70.3% 100%
LAKE 11.5% 18.1% 29.7% 70.3% 100%
LANE (Eugene) 12.7% 18.9% 31.6% 68.4% 100%
LINCOLN 7.8% 21.8% 29.6% 70.4% 100%
LINN 12.4% 18.6% 31.0% 69.0% 100%
MALHEUR 11.5% 18.1% 29.7% 70.3% 100%
MARION (Salem) 11.4% 17.0% 28.4% 71.6% 100%
MORROW 10.7% 19.6% 30.4% 69.6% 100%
MULTNOMAH (Portland) 10.3% 13.2% 23.5% 76.5% 100%
POLK 8.6% 17.9% 26.5% 73.5% 100%
SHERMAN 10.7% 19.6% 30.4% 69.6% 100%
TILLAMOOK 7.8% 21.8% 29.6% 70.4% 100%
UMATILLA 13.3% 14.7% 27.9% 72.1% 100%
UNION 13.2% 14.7% 27.9% 72.0% 100%
WALLOWA 13.2% 14.7% 28.0% 72.0% 100%
WASCO 10.7% 19.6% 30.4% 69.6% 100%
WASHINGTON 6.7% 18.9% 25.7% 74.3% 100%
WHEELER 10.7% 19.6% 30.3% 69.5% 100%
YAMHILL 8.6% 17.9% 26.6% 73.4% 100%

Source: American Community Survey 2005-2007, PUMS data


3. Self-Sufficiency, Race/Ethnicity, and Citizenship

It is widely recognized that poverty falls disproportionately on minorities. Thus, it is not surprising that in Oregon, minority populations experience higher rates of inadequate income. Figure 3 reinforces our understanding by showing that while only 24% of White (non-Latino) Oregon households earn income insufficient to meet the Self-Sufficiency Standard, the percentage is 56% for Latinos (of any race), 42% for Black households, 38% for Native Americans, and 32% for Asian and Pacific Islanders.

Our findings also indicate that citizenship status is correlated with self-sufficiency. Almost 60% of noncitizens have incomes below the Self-Sufficiency Standard, compared to 27.1% overall.


Figure 3: Percent of Households Below the Self-Sufficiency Standard and Federal Poverty Level by Race of Householder:  Oregon 2005-2007

Source: American Community Survey 2005-2007, PUMS data. * Latino may be of any race


4. Self-Sufficiency and Women and Children

Female-headed households are less likely to meet the Self-Sufficiency Standard than are households headed by men. Table 3 shows that 31.9% of all female-headed households in Oregon have incomes below the Standard, compared to 23.3% of male households. We also see from Figure 4 that among female-headed households with children and no spouse, 61% do not earn the Self-Sufficiency Standard.

Table 3: The Self-Sufficiency Standard and Federal Poverty Level by Sex of Householder: Oregon 2005-2007
Income Category Total
Below
Poverty
Above
Poverty,
Below Self-
Sufficiency
Below Self-
Sufficiency
(subtotal)
Above Self-
Sufficiency
All Households in OR 9.7% 17.4% 27.1% 72.9% 100%
Householder Sex
Male 7.4% 15.9% 23.3% 76.7% 100%
Female 12.6% 19.3% 31.9% 68.1% 100%

Source: American Community Survey 2005-2007, PUMS data


Figure 4: Percent of Households Below the Self-Sufficiency Standard by Gender and Household Type:
Oregon 2005-2007

Source: American Community Survey 2005-2007, PUMS data

Households with children are more likely to experience inadequate income. Table 4 demonstrates that among households with children, the percentage with inadequate income is higher than among households without children. Furthermore, the percentage rises with the number of children in the household and falls with the age of children.

Table 4: The Self-Sufficiency Standard and Federal Poverty Level by Number of Children in Household and Age of Youngest Child: Oregon 2005-2007
Income Category Total
Below
Poverty
Above
Poverty,
Below Self-
Sufficiency
Below Self-
Sufficiency
(subtotal)
Above Self-
Sufficiency
All Households in OR 9.7% 17.4% 27.1% 72.9% 100%
Number of Children in Household
0 8.2% 12.9% 21.2% 78.8% 100%
1 or more 12.0% 24.4% 36.5% 63.5% 100%
1 9.6% 21.5% 31.1% 68.9% 100%
2 10.4% 22.4% 32.8% 67.2% 100%
3 16.6% 35.7% 52.3% 47.7% 100%
4 or more 30.9% 31.6% 62.5% 37.5% 100%
Age of Youngest Child in Household
Less than 6 yrs 15.9% 29.9% 45.8% 54.2% 100%
6 to 17 yrs 8.5% 19.7% 28.2% 71.8% 100%

Source: American Community Survey 2005-2007, PUMS data

 

5. Self-Sufficiency and Education

We also know that education is tied to income. Figure 5 and Table 5 demonstrate that relationship by showing that for both White (non-Latino) and minority females and males, the percentage of households not meeting the Self-Sufficiency Standard falls as the level of education rises. Among households headed by minority females with less than a high school education, 76% do not meet the Self-Sufficiency Standard. For those households, the percentage falls to 28% if the female head of household has a bachelor’s degree or higher. Similarly, for households headed by a White (non-Latino) male, the percentage falls from 36% for those with less than a high school education to 11% for those with a bachelor’s degree or higher.

These data also show the following:

  • At lower levels of educational attainment, female householders are much more likely than men to have insufficient incomes.
  • Even at the same level of educational attainment, females experience higher rates of income inadequacy than males.
  • Education seems to have a more dramatic impact on income adequacy for females and minorities than for males.


Figure 5: Households Below the Self-Sufficiency Standard by Education, Race/Ethnicity, and Gender:
Oregon 2005-2007

Source: American Community Survey 2005-2007, PUMS data

Table 5: The Self-Sufficiency Standard and Federal Poverty Level by Education Level, Gender, and Race: Oregon 2005-2007
Income Category Total
Below
Poverty
Above
Poverty,
Below Self-
Sufficiency
Below Self-
Sufficiency
(subtotal)
Above Self-
Sufficiency
Educational Attainment
Less than High School 23.4% 32.0% 55.4% 44.6% 100%
Male 17.5% 32.0% 49.5% 50.5% 100%
White (non-Latino) 14.3% 21.7% 36.0% 64.0% 100%
Non-White 21.1% 43.3% 64.4% 35.6% 100%
Female 32.0% 32.0% 64.0% 36.0% 100%
White (non-Latino) 26.7% 28.2% 54.9% 45.1% 100%
Non-White 39.1% 36.8% 75.9% 24.1% 100%
High School Diploma 12.0% 22.6% 34.6% 65.4% 100%
Male 8.5% 20.9% 29.4% 70.6% 100%
White (non-Latino) 7.0% 19.1% 26.1% 73.9% 100%
Non-White 17.8% 31.7% 49.5% 50.5% 100%
Female 16.8% 24.9% 41.7% 58.3% 100%
White (non-Latino) 14.4% 23.8% 38.2% 61.8% 100%
Non-White 28.6% 30.6% 59.3% 40.7% 100%
Some College or Associates’ Degree 10.1% 18.4% 28.5% 71.5% 100%
Male 7.5% 16.4% 23.9% 76.1% 100%
White (non-Latino) 7.0% 15.2% 22.2% 77.8% 100%
Non-White 10.9% 24.7% 35.6% 64.4% 100%
Female 13.1% 20.8% 33.9% 66.1% 100%
White (non-Latino) 12.2% 20.1% 32.3% 67.7% 100%
Non-White 20.0% 25.6% 45.6% 54.4% 100%
Bachelor’s Degree or Higher 4.4% 9.1% 13.5% 86.5% 100%
Male 4.1% 8.0% 12.1% 87.9% 100%
White (non-Latino) 3.6% 7.4% 11.0% 89.0% 100%
Non-White 8.0% 11.8% 19.8% 80.2% 100%
Female 4.7% 10.7% 15.4% 84.6% 100%
White (non-Latino) 4.4% 9.6% 14.0% 86.0% 100%
Non-White 7.6% 20.5% 28.1% 71.9% 100%

Source: American Community Survey 2005-2007, PUMS data


6. Self-Sufficiency and Work

Having a steady job does not guarantee the ability to meet basic needs, as shown in Figure 6. In Oregon many households with two workers still do not meet the Self-Sufficiency Standard. Even among households without children and with two working adults, 12% do not meet the Self-Sufficiency Standard. Among households with children and two workers, 20% of those headed by a male or part of a married couple don’t make the Standard, while 45% of those headed by a female don’t meet the Standard, despite the presence of two workers.


Figure 6: Percent of Households Below the Self-Sufficiency Standard by Number of Workers and
Household Type: Oregon 2005-2007

Source: American Community Survey 2005-2007, PUMS data

Table 6 compares the top ten occupations for households that meet and don’t meet the Self-Sufficiency Standard.
Although there are significant overlaps in the occupations of the two groups, a few differences stand out:

  • Those with adequate incomes are much more likely to have positions in management and health care.
  • Those with inadequate incomes are more likely to have positions in food preparation/serving and personal care and services.
  • The degree of overlap in these lists indicates that the category of occupation does not drive earnings. Rather, it is likely that other factors such as education, experience, and hours worked drive whether or not these households are making ends meet.
Table 6:  Top Ten Occupations of Householders by Self-Sufficiency Standard: Oregon 2005-2007
Households Below Self-Sufficiency Standard Households Above Self-Sufficiency Standard
Occupation Percent Cum. Percent Occupation Percent Cum. Percent
Office and Administrative Support 13% 13% Management 13% 13%
Sales 11% 25% Office and Administrative Support 13% 26%
Food Preparation, Serving 9% 34% Sales 11% 37%
Production 8% 41% Production 7% 43%
Building/Grounds Cleaning, Maintenance 7% 49% Construction 6% 49%
Construction 7% 56% Education, Training, Library 6% 55%
Transportation and Material Moving 7% 63% Health Care Practitioners, Technical 5% 61%
Personal Care and Service 6% 69% Transportation and Material Moving 5% 66%
Management 5% 75% Installation, Maintenance, Repair 4% 70%
Education, Training, Library 4% 79% Computer, Mathematical 3% 73%

Source: American Community Survey 2005-2007, PUMS data

 

7. Profile of Households Below the Self-Sufficiency Standard

Figure 7 summarizes our analysis with a profile of the households in Oregon that do not make income sufficient to meet the Self-Sufficiency Standard.

Income inadequacy is experienced throughout Oregon among all types of households. Based on our analysis, however, we can make the following observations:

  • Although Latinos have the highest rates of income inadequacy among all race/ethnicity groups, almost three quarters (74%) of all Oregon households with inadequate income are White (non-Latino). The remaining households are Latino (16%), Asian/Pacific Islander (4%), Black (3%), Native American (1%), and of other backgrounds (2%).
  • A majority (86%) of households with below-Standard incomes are headed by citizens of the United States.
  • Half (52%) of households below the Standard have at least one child; the other half (48%) are childless.
  • Almost one third (30%) of below-Standard households consist of a married couple with children, and 18% consist of a single mother with children.
  • Among households with inadequate income, 16% of householders have less than a high school degree and 29% have a high school degree. The remaining householders with inadequate income have at least some college (38% with less than a bachelor’s degree and 16% with a bachelor’s degree or more).
  • Only 13% of households with inadequate income have no workers; the rest (87%) have at least one worker. Almost one third (30%) have two or more workers.
  • Only 5% of households below the Standard receive public cash assistance. (In the ACS this includes Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) but not separate payments for medical care, supplemental security income, or food stamps.)
  • More than one third (38%) of households with inadequate income own their own homes, the rest rent.


Figure 7:  Profile of Oregon Households Below the Self-Sufficiency Standard

Source: American Community Survey 2005-2007, PUMS data

 

8. Conclusion

The Self-Sufficiency Standard developed by Dr. Diana Pearce offers a more realistic view than the FPL of what it takes to make ends meet in Oregon and provides a profile of who is getting by and who is not:

  • Although only 10% of Oregon’s households earn incomes below the FPL, the Standard reveals that 27% do not make enough to meet basic needs.
  • Most households with inadequate income in Oregon (64%) are in the policy gap, meaning they have incomes above the FPL but below the Standard and may not qualify for some public safety net programs. Most such programs are pegged to the FPL or some multiple thereof, which might help explain why only 5% of households with below-Standard income in Oregon receive public assistance.
  • While lack of sufficient income is found disproportionately among some groups (e.g., minorities, single-mother households, and families with young children), income inadequacy is experienced throughout Oregon among all types of households.
  • Some households with a good education still have incomes below the Standard. In particular, female and minority householders are more likely to have inadequate income than their White (non-Latino) male counterparts with similar educational attainment.
  • Even though Oregon’s urban counties have generally lower rates of income inadequacy than rural counties, urban counties are home to most individuals with insufficient income: 77% of all Oregon households that are below the Standard are located in urban counties.

Because of the widespread nature of income inadequacy, solutions may need to be structural as opposed to focused on specific individuals or groups. Since most households with below-Standard incomes are already working (many full time), and have characteristics similar to people with adequate incomes, helping more people enter the workforce will not necessarily alleviate the problem because of low wages. The approach encouraged by the welfare reform of the mid-1990s was to move people into the paid workforce, but the findings in this report suggest that this strategy cannot by itself eliminate income inadequacy.

To read about Metholodology and Assumptions for this analysis, click here.

Effects of the Economic Downturn on the Portland-Vancouver MSA

Tuesday, May 12th, 2009

The US economy continues to deteriorate at a pace not seen in generations. Portland is one of the areas of the US experiencing unusually high unemployment rates and job losses. By the spring of 2009, the Portland Metro area has lost almost 60,000 jobs since the end of 2007. As we continue into the rest of 2009, those job losses are likely to increase. Every month, economic statistics reveal the degree of economic pain we are experiencing and suggest when the decline might end.


Figure 1: Unemployment Rates in the Portland MSA (January 2007-March 2009)

a4f1

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics “Local Area Employment Statistics” January 2007-March 2009.


Figure 2: Job Growth Rates in the Portland MSA and the United States (January 2007-March 2009)

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Sources: Bureau of Labor Statistics, Current Labor Statistics (accessed through Oregon Dept. of Employment’s qualityinfo.org website)


Figure 3: Employment Growth Rates by Industry Sector in the Portland MSA

a4f3

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics, Current Employment Statistics by Industry


Figure 4: S&P/Case-Shiller Home Price Indices for the Portland MSA and the United States (January 2004-March 2009)

a4f4

Source: Standard and Poor’s.


Figure 5: Annual Housing Permits issued in the Portland MSA (2006-2009)

a4f5

Source: U.S. Census Bureau Residential Housing Units by MSA, 2006-2009.


Figure 6: Population and Employment Growth in the Portland MSA (2001-2008)

a4f6

Sources: U.S. Census Bureau Population Estimates and Bureau of Labor Statistics Current Current Employment Statistics

The unemployment rate in the Portland Metro area continues to increase at record speed – see Figure 1. March statistics indicate that Oregon, at 12.1%, has the second highest unemployment rate in the US, just a half point behind Michigan.

The Metro area lost almost 44,000 jobs in the 12 months leading up to March 2009, representing 4.4% of all jobs. For comparison, the US lost 3.5% of all jobs. See Figure 2. Certain industries were hit harder than others. While the Health Care and Private Education industries continue to grow, every other industry has lost jobs over the last 12 months. Particularly hard hit was manufacturing, which has lost almost one in twelve jobs in the last 12 months.  See Figure 3.

The industry with the most job loss is undoubtedly the Construction industry, which has lost more than one in seven jobs year over year. The real estate bubble burst in late 2007, and the value of Portland homes continues to drop. Every month, Standard & Poor’s publishing an estimate of the value of houses in the US Metro areas. Since the summer of 2007, the value of the average Portland area home has declined by almost 20 percent. Of greater concern, the value of homes is continuing to fall at an increasing rate.  See Figure 4.

No one knows when housing values, or the job market, will stop dropping. A popular economic indicator is housing permit data. Before a construction company can hire people to work on building a new house, they must apply for a housing permit. In the first quarter of 2009, 741 permits were issued, that’s less than one fifth of the number of permits issued in the first quarter of 2007, during the height of the housing boom. This suggests that jobs, at least in the construction industry will continue to disappear through 2009. That’s bad news for an industry that’s already lost about 25 percent of all jobs since the summer of 2007.  See Figure 5.

Portland’s economic troubles are severe, and few metro areas in the US have posted higher unemployment rates. However, the region’s high unemployment rate is not simply a function of the jobs lost. As we’ve lost jobs, Portland’s workforce has continued to grow, primarily from migrants coming from other US states. In the 12 months ending in June 2008, the Portland Metro population grew by more than 30,000 people – as the weakening job market created only about 6,000 new jobs. See Figure 6.

This is not a new situation for us. Every month in 2002, during the last recession, Oregon had the highest unemployment rate in the US.  Oregon, and Portland’s, population continued to grow as we lost jobs. This unusual trend pushed Oregon’s unemployment rate to the highest in the nation in the last recession, and may do so again in 2009.


Business Growth in the Portland Metro Region

Monday, March 9th, 2009

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Figure 1: July 1st 2008 Population Estimates of Comparator Metropolitan Areas

Figure 1

Source: Annual Estimates of the Population of Metropolitan and Micropolitan Statistical Areas:
April 1, 2000 to July 1, 2008 (CBSA-EST2008-01).

Figure 2: GDP per Worker for Portland MSA and Comparator Metropolitan Areas, 2006

Figure 2

Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis, “Gross Domestic Product by Metropolitan Area” and “Local Area Income and Employment” data sets from 2006.

Figure 3: GDP per Worker for Portland Metropolitan Region and Average for Comparator Regions, 2001-2006.

Figure 3

Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis, “Gross Domestic Product by Metropolitan Area” and “Local Area Personal Income and Employment” data sets.

0. Introduction

Are the businesses in the Portland metropolitan region prospering?

When we think of business prosperity, we picture a company with growing revenues hiring new employees and opening new plants and offices. Given our persistently negative recent economic news, we might immediately jump to the conclusion that our businesses are on the decline.

But what evidence should we use to determine whether our businesses are thriving?

The Brookings Institution’s Blueprint for Regional Prosperity identifies three types of growth necessary for regional prosperity: productive growth, inclusive growth, and sustainable growth. Although all three play important roles in metropolitan prosperity, this article focuses on productive growth, because businesses are the primary drivers of productive growth.

Productive growth requires innovation and entrepreneurship and leads to income and job growth. We examine data that point to productivity, entrepreneurship, and the ingredients of innovation: venture capital investment, patent activity, and educational attainment.

Finally, we assess the region’s job growth to determine which economic sectors have the most robust growth.

Like other articles on the Metropolitan Knowledge Network, we examine our region’s prosperity in comparison to other regions comparable to the Portland MSA and present the data in order of their 2008 population estimates. Figure 1 shows Portland and the 10 comparator metropolitan areas in descending order by 2008 population.

1. Productivity

Productivity growth is a key ingredient to a growing and vibrant economy. Productivity growth, usually measured as output per unit of labor, is important because it leads to a rising standards of living. Productivity growth usually coincides with rising wages, and companies, industries, and nations with rising productivity are generally considered more competitive and profitable than other companies, industries, and nations. And although the wage/productivity link is currently being debated, rising productivity is generally a sign that workers and company shareholders will eventually benefit.

Productivity is usually measured as output or value added per unit of labor. For the United States and for individual business sectors, the Bureau of Labor Statistics calculates both labor productivity and multifactor productivity, which takes into account not only labor, but also capital and intermediate inputs. It does not publish productivity statistics for states or metropolitan areas.

In an attempt to fill the gap in metropolitan level productivity statistics, we calculate productivity measures for the Portland region and its competitor MSAs by taking the ratio of Gross Metropolitan Product (GMP), published by the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA), to total non-farm workers, also published by BEA. Please note that the GMP estimates are experimental. See Figure 2. Therefore, the same caveats that apply to these estimates apply to these productivity measures as well.


Regional Comparisons


Portland ranks low relative to the comparator metropolitan areas in GMP per worker. For the Portland MSA, GMP per worker rose from $62,298 in 2001 to $76,803 in 2006 (see Figure 3). This 23.3 percent increase places the Portland region 5th in terms of productivity growth among its peer regions (see Figure 2). GMP per worker for Portland in 2006 was lower than seven of the peer regions.

The San Jose and Charlotte MSAs had the highest GMP per worker at $118,022 and $109,096, respectively, and the Austin and Salt Lake City regions had the lowest.

Table 1: GDP per Worker for Portland and Comparator MSAs, 2001-2006.

Metropolitan Area 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 Percent increase 2001-2006
Austin-Round Rock, TX $61,641 $61,627 $63,604 $68,024 $71,051 $73,308 18.9%
Charlotte-Gastonia-Concord,NC-SC $86,064 $94,079 $96,260 $100,662 $106,269 $109,096 26.8%
Denver-Aurora,CO $71,071 $73,668 $76,132 $78,826 $82,628 $85,211 19.9%
Las Vegas-Paradise, NV $61,860 $64,683 $67,052 $71,142 $74,317 $80,180 29.6%
Minneapolis-St. Paul-Bloomington, MN-WI $66,616 $69,329 $72,107 $75,314 $76,856 $79,044 18.7%
Phoenix-Mesa-Scottsdale, AZ $63,669 $65,976 $67,970 $70,104 $71,997 $76,598 20.3%
Portland-Vancouver-Beaverton, OR-WA $62,298 $64,943 $66,653 $72,172 $73,517 $76,803 23.3%
Salt Lake City, UT $59,638 $61,623 $62,371 $65,024 $68,139 $72,502 21.6%
San Diego-Carlsbad-San Marcos, CA $64,222 $67,633 $69,946 $76,130 $80,002 $84,535 31.6%
San Jose-Sunnyvale-Santa Clara, CA $94,755 $95,221 $98,838 $105,820 $110,875 $118,022 24.6%
Seattle-Tacoma-Bellevue, WA $75,732 $78,453 $81,062 $82,396 $85,770 $89,643 18.4%
Average of Comparator MSAs $70,527 $73,229 $75,534 $79,344 $82,790 $86,814 23.1%

Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis, “Gross Domestic Product by Metropolitan Area” and “Local Area Income and Employment” data sets from 2006.

Exploring our Region’s Prosperity

Tuesday, February 10th, 2009
portland_msa1

The Portland-Beaverton-Vancouver Primary Metropolitan Statistical Area includes Multnomah, Clackamas, Washington, Columbia and Yamhill counties in Oregon, and Clark and Skamania counties in Washington.

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Executive Summary

Prosperity refers to the economic success of the regional economy and can be measured using income data. In order to assess regional prosperity in the Portland Metropolitan region, we will consider two measures of income: aggregate regional income (Metropolitan GDP) and income for individuals and households. In addition, we will discuss poverty levels in the Portland Metropolitan region according to the federal poverty standard. To ascertain the significant income variations both within the region and between comparable regions, this paper will compare counties within the Portland Metropolitan region and discuss how Portland measures up to ten “comparator regions” in the United States.

How quickly has income grown?

In the past several years, both aggregate regional income and personal income rose in the Portland Metropolitan region. Between 2001 and 2007, Portland’s per capita personal income grew 19 percent from $32,338 to $38,511. Between 2001 and 2006, the Portland Metropolitan region’s GDP grew 34 percent from $77 billion to $103 billion.

How does the Portland Metropolitan region’s income compare to other metropolitan regions?

Between 2001 and 2006, the Portland region and its comparator regions have seen vastly different rates of Metropolitan GDP growth. The Portland region’s Metropolitan GDP grew at a rate of 34 percent compared to 12 percent for the San Jose, CA region and 67 percent for the Las Vegas, NV region. The Portland Metropolitan region has a similar Metropolitan GDP to Austin and Salt Lake City. Portland’s per capita personal income in 2006 was $38,511, which was on the lower end of the scale in terms of the ten comparator regions but still comparable to the Austin, Charlotte, and Salt Lake City regions. According to the U.S. Census American Community Survey, Portland’s median household income is $52,480—just below Austin, but higher than both Phoenix and Charlotte. The Portland Metropolitan region’s level of poverty is at the median of the comparator region group with 11.5 percent of individuals earning incomes below the federal poverty line.

How is income within the Portland Metropolitan region distributed among counties?
Income varies greatly between the seven counties in the Portland Metropolitan region. Clackamas County has the highest level of per-capita personal income at $41,378, followed by Multnomah County with $38,529. Skamania County has the lowest level of per-capita income at $28,265, while Washington County is very close to the average for the metropolitan area at $36,259.

1. How Should We Gauge Our Region’s Prosperity?

How do we know whether our region is prosperous? Although prosperity probably means different things to different people, we usually think of prosperity as economic success or vibrancy. With respect to the Portland-Vancouver region, then, prosperity refers to economic success or the vibrancy of the regional economy. Does the region’s economy provide the income, goods, and services that people need to feel satisfied with their lives? Do the region’s inhabitants feel economically secure and confident that they can live in a reasonably comfortable fashion? Are they able to enjoy some of the non-economic pleasures that contribute to quality of life? These are some of the questions we might ask as we investigate whether our region is economically prosperous.

This Metropolitan Knowledge Network Journal issue paper presents a variety of data that paint a picture of the prosperity of our region. In particular, we focus on the economic prosperity of individuals. The financial status and viability of business is certainly important to the notion of regional prosperity because businesses create value, earn income from outside the region and offer economic opportunities to individuals. We provide a discussion of business vitality and the data that describe it in a future article entitled “How Prosperous are our Region’s businesses?” This paper focuses specifically on outcome measures of prosperity, including the Gross Domestic Product of the region, personal income, money income, and poverty. A discussion of prosperity should also consider whether we are investing in the drivers or inputs to that prosperity. These drivers include innovation, human capital, infrastructure, and quality places. These indicators of assets for prosperity will be explored in future articles on this site.

1.1 What Measures Are Normally Used to Determine Whether a Region Is Doing Well

Most people gauge the state of their economic well-being, at least in part, by how much income they receive. Income determines, in large part, a person’s or household’s standard of living. It determines whether they can afford to meet the basic needs of their family and whether they can purchase other goods and services that enrich their lives. However, income is only part of the prosperity equation. It is only relevant relative to cost. Thus, factors that affect a family’s cost of living, such as household structure (number of income earners, number and age of children) and location (which affects the cost of housing and transportation) also determine economic well-being.

A new set of data recently developed by the University of Washington estimates the level of earnings required for a household to meet its basic needs without government assistance. This income level, called the Self-sufficiency Standard, varies by county and household type. We must also consider the amount of time a person devotes to earning income. A person earning $40,000 per year working 40 hours per week might feel much better off than someone earning the same annual income but working one full-time and two part-time jobs in order to achieve that income. Thus, an earner’s hourly wage and the activities that a person must give up to earn an income might also enter into a person’s sense of their own prosperity.

While we consider the income of individuals, households, and families in the metropolitan region, we might also look at the region’s income in the aggregate. Regional measures of income allow us to consider the prosperity of the region as a whole, or on a per capita basis, regardless of how it is distributed. We will consider both measures of income—aggregate regional income and income for individuals and households—in discussing regional prosperity. Finally, regional income is determined, in large part, by the level and value of economic activity in the region. The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for metropolitan regions is the total value of goods and services produced in the region. Akin to the national measure of GDP, metropolitan level GDP can be interpreted as a comprehensive measure of economic activity. At the national level, GDP is the most widely used measure of the state of the national economy.

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1.2 Measures of Income

There are generally three sources of publicly available income data:

  1. Personal income data is collected and distributed by the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA).
  2. Money income data is collected and distributed by the Census Bureau.
  3. The Internal Revenue Service publishes aggregated measures of adjusted gross income of individuals.

The BEA produces annual estimates of personal income for local areas, including counties, metropolitan areas, and BEA economic areas. These estimates are designed to be consistent with the national income and product accounts, which are used to estimate Gross National Product and other national economic data. The BEA’s personal income measure is a more comprehensive measure of income than the money income measure used by the Census Bureau. As described below, personal income is the current income that is received by, or on behalf of, the residents of that area from all sources, minus their contributions for social insurance (BEA 2008).

The Census Bureau derives income information from the Decennial Census, the American Community Survey, and the March supplement of the Current Population Survey. Money income includes only money income received by individuals and excludes non-cash benefits. Poverty rates reported by the Census Bureau are based on money income. The Internal Revenue Service Adjusted Gross Income measure consists of the taxable income of individuals who filed a federal income tax return. In general, BEA estimates of personal income are higher than both the money income estimates provided by the Census Bureau and the adjusted gross income measure offered by the IRS. For more detail about these three definitions of income, see the inset below.

Three Income Definitions

Personal Income
Personal income, as reported by the BEA, is the sum of wage and salary disbursements, supplements to wages and salaries, proprietors’ income with inventory and capital consumption adjustments, rental income of persons with capital consumption adjustments personal dividend income, personal interest income, and personal current transfer receipts, less contributions for government social insurance.

Money Income
The Census Bureau uses the concept of money income. Census money income is defined as income received on a regular basis (exclusive of certain money receipts such as capital gains) before payments for personal income taxes, social security, union dues, Medicare deductions, etc. Thus, money income does not account for noncash benefits, such as food stamps, health benefits, subsidized housing, or goods produced and consumed on the farm. The Census Bureau warns users that, for many different reasons, there is a tendency in household surveys for respondents to underreport their income. Based on an analysis of independently derived income estimates, the Census Bureau determined that respondents report income earned from wages or salaries much better than other sources of income and that the reported wage and salary income is nearly equal to independent estimates of aggregate income (US Census, n.d.).

Adjusted Gross Income
Adjusted Gross Income consists of the taxable income of individuals who filed a federal income tax return. According to the Internal Revenue Service, Adjusted Gross Income is defined as taxable income from all sources including things like wages, salaries, tips, and a multitude of other sources, minus specific deductions like contributions to retirement accounts, tuition, and moving expenses, among others.

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1.3 Sources of Income

Income reported by the BEA has three sources: earnings from work; income from investment; and transfer payments, which include social security, pensions, and welfare. For most people, the largest part of their income is derived from their earnings from employment. However, some regions may include a larger than average number of people whose main source of income is from transfer payments. This information is important because the economic structure of such regions can be fundamentally different than those with higher percentage of income from earnings. Thus, they may react differently than other regions to national economic trends and to economic policy.

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1.4 Metro Level GDP Per Capita

The Bureau of Economic Analysis recently began calculating a gross domestic product (GDP) measure for metropolitan regions. Akin to the GDP for the nation, the metropolitan level GDP estimates the market value of all the goods and services produced in the metropolitan region. In the first release of these statistics in September 2007, these data were described as prototype statistics being released “for evaluation and comment by data users.” The methodology used to create these estimates relies heavily on industry earnings, which causes some problems that are explained in the inset below.

Bureau of Economic Analysis Produces Experimental Estimates of GDP for Metro Areas

By Amy Vander Vleit, Oregon Employment Department

The U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA), the agency that produces estimates of state and national gross domestic product (GDP), recently added a new—yet experimental—data series to its arsenal: gross domestic product by metro area. In a nutshell, GDP measures the total market value of final goods and services produced in a given region over a specified period of time. It’s a comprehensive and widely used measure of economic activity at the state and national level. At this point the BEA is releasing the data for evaluation and comment by data users, ergo the words ‘experimental’ and ‘prototype’ attached to the data. Although it doesn’t sound as if they will discontinue the series any time soon, they might revise the data and perhaps the methodology down the road based on user feedback. The data can theoretically be used—with caution at this early stage—to answer questions such as:

  • What is the size of an area’s economy?
  • Is the economy growing or declining?
  • How does growth in one metro area differ from other metro areas or from the nation?
  • Which industries are propelling growth?

A Few (Cautious) Answers

The nation’s 363 metropolitan areas generated 90 percent of the total U.S. GDP in 2005, although the 75 smallest metro areas accounted for just two percent. The five largest metro areas were responsible for nearly one-quarter of the $12.4 trillion figure. The New York metro area alone generated $1.1 trillion, outranking all but one state (California) and nine countries. The Portland metro area kicked in an estimated $95.6 billion to the national total. That would make us the nation’s 26th largest metro area as measured by 2005 GDP.

User Beware

Much of Portland’s industry-level GDP data is suppressed due to confidentiality issues. The data that is available should be viewed with a healthy dose of caution due to the combination of BEA’s methodology and Oregon’s industry structure. GDP data is collected at the state—not metro area—level, so the BEA devised a method to allocate a state’s GDP among its metro areas. They use two data sets: statewide GDP by industry and county-level earnings by industry (which they also produce). You have one pot containing statewide manufacturing GDP, another pot with statewide retail trade GDP, etc. Each pot gets divvied up based on county earnings data for the corresponding industry. One component of GDP is investment in capital equipment (e.g. a new factory, new machinery). Manufacturers in particular spend heavily on capital equipment, especially high tech, auto makers, and oil refineries. A case in point: In 2002 and 2003, Intel spent close to $2 billion to build and equip its Hillsboro D1D plant.

Here’s the caution: BEA admits that there is a weak correlation between earnings and output for some capital intensive industries. This can result in the misallocation of a state’s GDP among its metro areas. For example: Let’s say capital spending in high tech manufacturing increased by $500 million in Oregon in 2003 due in large part to activity in the Portland area. At the same time, Portland showed a slight decline in high tech manufacturing earnings. Meanwhile, Corvallis didn’t experience any capital spending but it did see a slight increase in its high tech manufacturing earnings.

According to the BEA method, Corvallis would be allocated some, perhaps a lot, of the state’s (i.e. Portland’s) high tech manufacturing GDP. Since Oregon has a relatively large manufacturing sector, the potential for such misallocations is likely to be greater than for other states. So while this new BEA data series can be useful for many metro areas, it might present some problems for Oregon’s metro areas.

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